World Development book case study: sustainable urban development in Curitiba
In 2010 the Global Sustainable City Award was given to Curitiba. The award was introduced to recognise those cities that excel in sustainable urban development. It is much easier for cities in the developed world to invest in the planning and implementation of measures needed for sustainable urban development and it is a surprise to many people that the award went to a city in Brazil where, in spite of rapid industrial growth in recent years, income levels are still relatively low. A quick look at the reasons for this reveals Curitiba as a surprising place with an interesting history and culture.
Curitiba is in eastern Brazil and became the capital of the province of Parana in 1853. It attracted local migrants as well as immigrants from Germany, Ukraine and Poland and other European countries. During the 20th century its population increased rapidly and it became one of the wealthiest cities in Brazil. In 2010 the population of Curitiba was 1.8 million and the total population of its metropolitan area was 3.2 million.
Curitiba was a pioneer in attempts to provide solutions to improving urban life and the first city plan with boulevards stretching out from a central area, public amenities and industrial districts was produced in the 1950s. The plan was too costly to implement in full but formed the basis for future developments.
The plan for city development that led to its present status as one of the most sustainable cities in the world was a result of the election of a 33-year-old architect and planner, Jamie Lerner, as mayor of Curitiba in the late 1960s. He implemented radical plans for urban land use which featured pedestrianization, strict controls on urban sprawl and an affordable and efficient public transport system. The bus system has been a key feature of Curitiba’s development. The buses are long, split into three sections and stop at designated elevated tubes, complete with disabled access. There is only one price, no matter how far you travel, and you pay at the bus stop. It has been a model for other cities trying to achieve more sustainable movement of people and is used by 85% of people living in the city.
Another feature of the city is the large amount of green space per head of population (52 square metres) which is remarkable in a city that has seen its population triple in the last 20 years. Much of the green space was achieved by using federal funds for flood control to build small dams across rivers, creating lakes and parks for the city population. There are 28 parks and wooded areas in Curitiba, creating a city landscape which is unlike any other in a developing city.
Curitiba does have slum dwellings and housing shortages but has developed innovative ways of dealing with these urban problems. Farmland within the city limits was purchased in the 1990s and 50,000 homes, which will house 200,000 people, are being built. The houses are being built by the new landowners, sometimes with the aid of mortgages from the city.
'Sixty per cent of the lower-income people are involved in the construction industry anyhow,' says one executive from COHAB (Curitiba's public housing programme). 'They know how to build.' And here is the moving part: with your plot of land comes not only a deed and a pair of trees (one fruit bearing and one ornamental), but also an hour downtown with an architect. 'The person explains what's important to them - a big window out front, or room in the kitchen. They tell how many kids they have, and so on. And then we help draw up a plan,' says one architect, who has more than 3,000 of 'his' homes scattered around the city.
'Most people can only afford to build one room at a time, so we also show them the logical order to go in,' another designer explains.
From Curitiba: A Global Model For Development by Bill McKibben (2005 CommonDreams.org)
The new developments are immediately linked to the pubic transport system to integrate the new home-owners. The shanty towns (favelas) on the outskirts of the city are kept clean by encouraging people to bring their rubbish to collection points where they are given sacks of food or bus tickets in return for their waste by the city authorities.
Nearer the city centre, the city authorities encourage the recycling of buildings rather than demolition and reconstruction, helping the city to retain its architectural heritage. Children can recycle waste in exchange for school supplies, toys and tickets for shows. It is estimated that recycling materials in the city saves the equivalent of 1,200 trees a day and the money raised from the recycling schemes goes into social programmes such as the employment of homeless people in the recycling separation plants. An Open University, created by the city, lets residents take courses in many subjects such as mechanics, hair styling and environmental protection for a small fee.
Providing employment is an important measure of urban sustainability. Although Curitiba is the eighth-largest city in Brazil, it has the fourth-largest GDP and is a focus for domestic and inward investment attracted by quality of the city infrastructure and the high quality of life enjoyed by the city population. From the 1970s onwards, it resisted the expansion of heavy industry and in 2010 66% of its GDP was produced by the commerce and services sector. It is, however, the second-largest manufacturer of cars in Brazil and home to many transnational corporations such as Nissan, Volkswagen, Audi, Siemens and Electrolux.
The concentration on encouraging non-polluting and hi-tech industry has been successful in achieving an economic growth rate which is much higher than the national average. The city’s 30-year economic growth rate in Curitiba is 7.1% (compared with a national average of 4.2%), and per-capita income is 66% higher than the Brazilian average. The high wealth levels have helped Curitiba fund municipal health, education and daycare networks, neighbourhood libraries shared by schools and citizens.
In the 1990s, the city started a project called FarÓis do Saber (‘Lighthouses of Knowledge’). These ‘lighthouses’ have been set up in each quarter of the city and contain a library, and computers for public use. Job training, social welfare and educational programmes are co-ordinated by the city and Curitiba has the lowest illiteracy rate and highest educational attainment levels of any of the Brazilian cities. In another attempt to improve social integration and reduce the need for unnecessary travel, Citizen Streets exist in each district where there is a long line of two-storey buildings, surrounded by a huge yellow tube, which can satisfy the majority of people’s needs: identity cards, employment and housing applications can be processed, and there are subsidized shops, welfare assistance, music classes and sports centres.
Many cities in the developing world have to cope with much higher levels of population growth and do not have the history of urban development that Curitiba enjoys. However we should not ignore the many people-centred innovations that have been implemented over the last 40 years which have helped to make the city an example that many would like to follow.
Below is a possible checklist for sustainable urban development suggested by Mostafa Rasooli, Nurwati Badarulzaman and Mastura Jafaar in The Role of CDSs (Community Development Strategies) in Sustainable Development in Developing Countries. The report was written in 2010 and a link to the full report is given below.
Environmentally sustainable urbanization
A. Energy Efficiency Measures
1. Alternative energy offered to consumers
2. Energy conservation effort (other than green building requirements)
3. Environmental site design regulations
4. Green building programme
5. Renewable energy use by city government
B. Pollution Prevention and Reduction Measures
6. Kerbside recycling programme
7. Environmental education programmes for the community
8. Green procurement
9. Water-quality protection
C. Open Space and Natural Resource Protection Measures
10. Environmentally sensitive area protection
11. Open space preservation programme
D. Transportation Planning Measures
12. Operation of inner-city public transit (buses and/or trains)
13. Transportation demand management
E. Tracking Progress on Protecting the Environment
14. Ecological footprint analysis
Economically sustainable urbanization
A. Smart Growth Measures
1. Agricultural protection zoning
2. Brownfield reclamation
3. Cluster or targeted economic development
4. Eco-industrial park development
5. Infill development
6. Purchase of Development Rights and/or Transfer of Development Rights
7. Tax incentives for environmentally friendly development
8. Urban growth boundary and/or urban service boundary
B. Measures Promoting Local Employment/Industries
9. Business retention programmes
10. Empowerment/enterprise zones
11. Local business incubator programmes
Social sustainable urbanization
- Affordable housing provisions
- Daycare services for service sector and low-income employees
- Homeless prevention and intervention programmes
- Inclusionary and incentive zoning
- Jobs-housing balance
- Living wage ordinance
- Mass transit access with local income subsidies
- Neighbourhood planning
- Sustainable food systems or food security programmes
- Women/minority-oriented business Community Development Corporations (CDCs) and investment programmes
- Youth opportunity and anti-gang programmes
Governance and institutional sustainable urbanization
- Dispute resolution
- Public participation
- Regional co-ordination
In the late 1960s, Brasília cast a long shadow across Brazil. Built from scratch in just four years, the city was a symbol of modern, rational, functional planning. “President Kubitschek wanted to build a new capital,” architect Oscar Niemeyer said in a BBC interview. “He wanted a city that would represent Brazil. So I dedicated myself to finding a new solution, something that would attract attention.”
Niemeyer, along with the architect Lúcio Costa, designed the city to look like a bird in flight – a network of highways in the wings, and the administrative offices in its head. Among political elites, if not all architecture critics, Brasília was viewed as a triumph over Brazil’s urban chaos.
A thousand miles to the south in the city of Curitiba, capital of the agricultural state of Paraná, urban planners were hard at work replicating the Brasília model. New lanes would be added to Curitiba’s downtown roads, with historic buildings demolished to make room for them. A new viaduct would link with the central square at Rua Quinze de Novembro to ease traffic congestion.
“But we said no!” exclaims Jaime Lerner. The former mayor of Curitiba is speaking over the phone from his office in Curitiba, where he now directs his eponymous private architecture firm. Back then, Lerner was a recently graduated architecture student, leading a movement against the existing mayor’s vision of a Curitiba for cars. “We were starting to lose our history, our identity,” he says.
Over the next two decades – first as planner, then as mayor – Lerner would develop a radically different vision for Curitiba: “It was a change in the conception of the city. Working, moving, living leisure ... we planned for everything together. Most cities in South America separate urban functions – by income, by age. Curitiba was the first city that, in its first decisions, brought everything together.”
Today, while Brasília is viewed as a white elephant city, Curitiba has become the gold standard in sustainable urban planning: variously the “green capital”, the “greenest city on Earth”, and the “most innovative city in the world”.
“Curitiba is not a paradise,” Lerner insists. “But it is a model for many cities in the world. Why?” He takes a long, dramatic pause: “Because in about two decades, a few young professionals made some very important changes.”
From chaos to creativity
Curitiba is an unlikely setting for such radical innovation. For centuries, the city was little more than an outpost for travellers moving between São Paulo and the surrounding agricultural regions. Curitiba was the “sleeping city”, a place where cattle drivers would hibernate in the winter en route to their next destination.
When a wave of European immigration hit southern Brazil, Curitiba’s sleepy farmland was an obvious attraction. Germans arrived in the 1830s, Polish and Italians arrived in the 1870s, and Ukrainians two decades later. Each group occupied a section of the city, developing their own local industries and beginning to populate the downtown area with churches, shops and restaurants.
By the 1940s, however, Curitiba’s growth was impossible to contain. The mechanisation of soybean production pushed Paraná’s agricultural workers off their land and into the city. Between 1940 and 1960, the city’s population more than doubled – from 140,000 to 360,000 residents. Curitiba was quickly becoming the archetypal Brazilian mid-size city. Favelas grew around its periphery; cars jammed into its centre.
Curitiba’s planners could do little to regulate their city’s chaos. In 1964, following Brazil’s military coup, mayor Ivo Arzua solicited a new masterplan to guide Curitiba toward growth, order, and extra room for the automobile. Over the course of several months, his government held a series of seminars known as “Curitiba of Tomorrow”, seeking to convince the public on the merits of the new masterplan.
“But as usual, from 1965 to 1970, nothing happened,” says Jonas Rabinovitch, a UN senior adviser and former planner at the Curitiba Research and Urban Planning Institute (IPPUC). Despite Arzua’s best intentions the plan remained in the drawer, and the IPPUC, set up in 1965 to implement this masterplan, remained largely idle. “The institute was basically colouring paper, producing plans, examining studies,” Rabinovitch says.
Lerner and a team of architects at the IPPUC were, however, determined to turn this tide – “and they started at the exact right time,” according to Rabinovitch. “Had they waited 10 or 15 more years, it could have been too late for Curitiba.”
Under the new military regime, Lerner was appointed mayor, and the IPPUC moved into the driving seat: “When Jaime became mayor, the plan finally began to transform into a reality,” Rabinovitch says.
Lerner’s first project in 1972 earned him an early reputation as an enforcer. He proposed transforming the Rua Quinze de Novembro from an automobile thoroughfare into a pedestrian mall. “At first, the shopkeepers were furious with the mayor,” Rabinovitch says. “People had the habit of stopping their cars in front of the stores, buying what they wanted, and then getting back into their cars. But that meant that when the shops closed down, the city centre was dead.”
The shopkeepers organised resistance to the new plan, and resolved to file an injunction to stop it – a typical tactic for arresting the implementation of urban projects in Brazil.
“Every time, you always have a big resistance,” Lerner says. “When we first proposed the project, we tried to convince the merchants. We showed them designs, information ... it was a big discussion. Then we realised we had to have a demonstration effect.”
So Lerner took the plan to his director of public works, saying: “I need this [built] in 48 hours ... He looked at me and asked, ‘Are you crazy? It will take at least four months.’”
If you want creativity, cut one zero from the budget. If you want sustainability, cut two zeros!Jaime Lerner
Regardless, Lerner and his team – impatient, wily or both – prepared to begin work at sundown that very Friday, waiting only until after the city’s courthouse had closed so that shopkeepers could no longer file their injunction.
“If I’d received a juridical demand to stop the project, we would never have made it,” Lerner recalls. “So we finished in 72 hours – Friday night to Monday night. And at the end, one of the merchants who wrote the petition to stop the work told me: ‘Keep this petition as a souvenir, because now we want the whole street, the whole sector pedestrianised!’”
The project encapsulates Lerner’s planning philosophy: act now, adjust later. “We had to work fast to avoid our own bureaucracy, and to avoid our own insecurity, because sometimes we start to think: ‘That’s a good idea but I cannot make it happen.’ So the key issue in Curitiba was to start – we had the courage to start.”
When I press Lerner on the political implications of this kind of strong-arming – which some have described as a “technocratic approach without participation” – he has a ready response: “Democracy is not consensus. Democracy is a conflict that is well managed. It’s about how you manage that conflict – sometimes for the minority, sometimes for the majority. But it has to happen.”
Guided by this learning-by-doing philosophy, Curitiba became a laboratory for urban planning innovation. In 1974, Lerner and the IPPUC introduced a new street design that provided express lanes for buses. Passengers would board from new stations along the medians of the city’s main streets, so that buses could move uninterrupted through the city.
At the time, most planners were calling for the development of extensive subway systems as the cutting-edge mode of urban transport. But Lerner was – and remains – a major advocate of surface transport, while critical of subway projects that drain public funds and disrupt city life. As one of his most oft-cited sayings goes: “If you want creativity, cut one zero from the budget. If you want sustainability, cut two zeros!”
With the new bus transit scheme, public ridership grew steadily, as buses became both the cheapest and fastest mode of transport. But Lerner and his planners were not satisfied. In the late 1980s, he observed that the inflow and outflow of passengers was dragging the speed of the bus at each station.
Three innovations followed: a new system of raised platforms (the futuristic “tube” station system for which Curitiba has grown famous) that allow passengers to move straight from the station into the bus without the hassle of stairs; longer buses to add extra capacity to the fleet; and a system of pre-payment so that bus drivers do not have to issue tickets and collect money on the go.